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Today, Ukrainian army sources revealed a reported sabotage operation against a Russian military train carrying North Korean weapons that was targeted around six thousand kilometers from the frontline. According to Ukrainian military sources, simultaneous explosions destroyed a train transporting KN-Twenty-Three and KN-Twenty-Four ballistic missiles together with railcars loaded with artillery ammunition on the Trans-Siberian Railway. The attack occurred geographically much closer to North Korea than to Ukraine itself, and the resulting detonation destroyed the train, devastated part of the surrounding railway infrastructure, and halted traffic along the affected section. Official confirmation from Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate has not yet been released, but once confirmed, this would rank among the deepest Ukrainian operations conducted inside Russian territory.

According to operatives within Ukrainian intelligence circles, the operation was preceded by a lengthy intelligence effort. The reported shipment was allegedly tracked from the vicinity of the North Korean border as it moved westward across Russia. Such an operation would have required establishing the train’s timetable, identifying where it would slow down, and selecting terrain where repairs after an attack would be particularly difficult. Ukrainian operatives have also needed to determine exactly which convoy contained the strategic cargo before committing valuable assets. Local assistance cannot be ruled out, as some remote Russian regions have long complained of economic neglect, potentially making discreet cooperation with outside intelligence services more feasible. Ukrainian agents would have also exploited the well-known corruption among the Russian administration, as such officials with access to railway schedules or cargo manifests could be bribed to reveal when a valuable shipment would pass a specific location. According to the reports, remotely controlled explosive charges were allegedly placed beneath the railway tracks and near critical points of the train before being detonated as it entered a difficult section of the line. Choosing such terrain aims to maximize destruction while making restoration substantially more complicated.

The effects of the explosion were dramatic, as they triggered a chain reaction that detonated the missile warheads and the accompanying ammunition cargo. The KN missiles carry a warhead weighing roughly five-hundred kilograms, meaning even a single detonation is capable of causing severe destruction. The exact number of missiles reportedly aboard the train has not been established yet, but the combined explosion reached the equivalent of dozens of tons of TNT, excavated a crater more than fifteen meters deep, and completely incinerated both the locomotive and the convoy. Burning fragments from solid-fuel rocket motors ignited surrounding vegetation and railway infrastructure.

The consequences extend well beyond the destroyed shipment, even though a Ukrainian intelligence source stated that the objective was to ensure none of the missiles intended for attacks on Ukrainian cities survived the operation. However, the Trans-Siberian Railway is Russia’s main east-west rail artery, stretching roughly nine-thousand-three-hundred kilometers from European Russia to the Pacific coast and connecting industrial centers with trade routes toward China, Mongolia, and the Korean Peninsula. It carries tens of millions of tonnes of freight annually, making it one of Russia’s most important logistical networks. Disrupting even one section can create delays of up to several weeks while damaged track, electrical systems, and wreckage are cleared and repaired.

Overall, the reported sabotage represents a direct Ukrainian response to the expanding North Korean military assistance to Russia, which includes missiles, launchers for them, artillery shells, and personnel for both the delivered systems and infantry. Destroying a huge single shipment would deny Russia valuable weapons immediately, while simultaneously damaging the railway itself could delay subsequent deliveries, increasing the logistical cost of relying on long-distance military support from North Korea.

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Today, there are dangerous updates from the Russian Federation.

Here, Russia is facing an extraordinary plague outbreak in Siberia after a young laboratory worker died from a mysterious, severe pneumonia, and nearly two hundred potential contacts were placed under medical observation. Daria Shipilova, twenty-eight years old, worked at the Irkutsk Anti-Plague Research Institute and deteriorated rapidly after falling ill. The whole hospital was quarantined, public events were canceled, and Russia’s top public-health official Anna Popova traveled thousands of kilometers from Moscow to coordinate the response. Yet Russian authorities insist the regional situation remains stable, and that is where Russia’s story becomes increasingly strange.

According to the officially reported version, the lab official accidentally broke a test tube containing live plague bacteria while working. But Russian epidemiologist Mikhail Favorov publicly questioned that explanation, arguing that specialists handling dangerous pathogens work in protective equipment and describing infection through such an accident as unlikely. He also argued that the immediate arrival of the highest-ranking health officials in Russia indicates authorities were treating the situation extremely seriously, despite trying to project calmness to the public.

Russian authorities subsequently contradicted themselves and their own official laboratory-accident story, as they changed their version and stated that the woman died from pneumonia of unknown etiology, that testing found no microorganisms connected to her work, and that an investigation discovered no laboratory emergency involving dangerous pathogens.

Yet the precautions have been extensive, as nearly two hundred contacts were identified, several medical facilities introduced quarantine measures, preventive restrictions appeared elsewhere, and authorities launched an investigation. Meanwhile, officials initially avoided publicly identifying the suspected disease. One of the local leaders, Alexei Tsydenov, initially wrote that the woman had died from plague before subsequently modifying the statement to say she possibly had.

That combination has inevitably produced accusations of a cover-up, with the discrepancy obvious, as Moscow publicly minimizes the danger while simultaneously implementing measures appropriate for a potentially serious infectious incident.

The Kremlin has powerful reasons to prevent panic, as a genuine outbreak spreading beyond isolated contacts could force quarantines of whole towns, disrupt transportation and industrial production, consume medical resources, and create serious public anxiety at a time when Russian society is already on high alert as it feels the economic consequences of Putin’s campaign in Ukraine.

These consequences can become even more dangerous, as the Russian war machine depends upon enormous logistical networks moving soldiers, equipment, and ammunition across the country. A major infectious outbreak affecting transportation hubs, military facilities, or mobilization centers could interfere with troop rotations and training. Quarantines could remove personnel from duty, while outbreaks among tightly concentrated soldiers could temporarily disable entire formations, ending Putin’s war earlier than expected, as large-scale health restrictions would create another demand on government finances and manpower precisely when Moscow needs both elsewhere.

Overall, for the Russian government, controlling information may therefore become almost as important as controlling the medical situation. Russia has a long history of secrecy surrounding major disasters, from the nuclear power plant disaster in Chornobyl during the Soviet Union to the Kursk submarine sinking catastrophe, which Putin tried to hide at the beginning of his reign twenty-six years ago. Whether the event in Irkutsk ultimately proves to be a plague outbreak, another more common infection, or an isolated laboratory incident without major consequences, the conflicting explanations have already created precisely what the Kremlin would want to avoid: suspicion that the official story is concealing something considerably more serious. Something that could be the final nail in the coffin not only for Putin’s war against Ukraine but also for his regime.

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In this video, we will analyze Russia’s recent mechanized assault on Sloviansk.

Here, Russian forces launched one of their largest mechanized assaults in months in an attempt to force movement on the Sloviansk axis. What followed left burning vehicles scattered across the battlefield and turned this attack into one of the clearest examples of how much was at stake in this push.

Russia’s goal here was to break through the Ukrainian forward positions covering the northeastern approaches to Sloviansk, especially in the Zakitne and Kryva Luka direction. These settlements matter because they form part of the outer defensive area shielding Sloviansk, so losing them would weaken the defense and open more favorable routes toward positions farther back. That is why Russia launched a larger mechanized assault here rather than relying solely on smaller infantry probes, as it was trying to force a breakthrough through the outer layer of the defense in a single push.

Russia tried to do that by sending two assault groups forward at the same time on separate routes, one toward Zakitne and the other toward Kryva Luka, in order to pressure the Ukrainian defense from multiple directions. This gave the attack a better chance of splitting Ukrainian attention and stretching drone coverage, preventing the defenders from focusing all their fire on one approach.

This attack plan was meant to give the Russians several advantages during the advance. Russians also committed motorcycles to reduce dependence on roads and tight formations, allowing the Russians to cross exposed ground faster without bunching into an easy target. The Russians also sent several tanks and BMP to their assault, meant to suppress Ukrainian positions and absorb fire while lighter elements pushed forward. In theory, that made the assault more resilient than a single dense column, because even if one vehicle was hit, other elements could still keep moving, giving the Russians a better chance of achieving their goal.

However, the main weakness of this Russian assault was that both groups still had to cross exposed approach routes into a defended sector. That allowed Ukrainian defenders to track the advancing elements early, slow them on the route in, and then strike vehicles and isolated groups as the assault began to break apart. Instead of arriving as one concentrated force, the Russian assault was reduced to smaller fragments that could be destroyed separately.

The footage shows exactly how that breakdown happened in practice, as Russian motorcycles, transport vehicles, and BMP move along roads and tree lines, but instead of building into one continuous assault, those elements appear increasingly separated as they come under fire. FPV drones strike BMP and other vehicles while they are still moving, catching them before they can reach cover or support the rest of the advance. In several moments, the assault appears to lose tempo completely, with individual vehicles destroyed on the route while other elements are forced to keep moving past wrecks or stop in exposed positions. Abandoned motorcycles and vehicles were hit after parts of the assault had already stalled, suggesting a loss of momentum before the attackers ever reached the line. By the time burning wrecks begin to accumulate along the approach, the footage shows that the real battle was no longer at the point of breakthrough, because Ukrainian defenses had already turned the route into a kill zone and broken the assault apart in motion.

Overall, the failed Russian assault shows that the Russian command is still trying to break the approaches to Sloviansk through larger mechanized attacks rather than relying only on small infantry group infiltrations. At the same time, Ukraine has shown that it still has the reconnaissance and strike coordination needed to respond to large-scale assaults in this sector. That means Russia may continue launching attacks of this kind, but each failure will make this method harder to sustain. If these assaults keep failing after detection, Russia will likely shift toward smaller and less visible attacks, because once Ukrainian reconnaissance spots a larger mechanized force, Ukraine can hit it quickly before it achieves anything meaningful.

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After recent offensive action in the Dnipropetrovsk sector, Ukraine's Skala special assault Regiment achieved a massive breakthrough and cleared seventy-five square kilometers of the grey zone, while pushing Russia's area of control back significantly further. The regiment reports that this is one of the most significant offensive operations by Ukrainian forces this summer. They report that Russian defenders in the sector have suffered a critical number of casualties, as well as losing several key deployment points and access routes necessary for their continued operations in the area.

This massive operation began shortly after Ukrainians already advanced over four-hundred square kilometers in the area earlier this year. After Russian lines broke, their high command urgently redeployed a significant number of forces to halt the Ukrainian advances; one of which was the one-hundred-twentieth Marine Infantry Brigade, along with even the full ninetieth Russian tank division, numbering an estimated total of over thirty-thousand enemy soldiers. Because of these reinforcements, Ukraine's advance was forced to halt, as any attack against such an overwhelming force would have been disastrous; So, the Skala special assault regiment had to find a way to remove the Russian equipment and marines from the equation, and allow Ukrainians to continue retaking the initiative.

This is why Ukrainian drone operators started the three-day-long Ashan operation, which was a larger concentrated drone campaign aiming to destroy Russian heavy equipment, as you may remember from a previous report. Among the targets were artillery pieces, such as the North Korean Koksan self-propelled artillery system, which deprived the arriving Russian soldiers of fire support that could have been used against advancing Ukrainian soldiers. After that, Ukrainian drones started targeting armored personnel carriers, which reduced their mobility. Then, Ukraine struck Russian soldiers to reduce the Russians’ manpower before they could be sent to the frontline to stop the Ukrainian advance. To disrupt the logistics of the already present enemy soldiers along the front, Ukrainian operators struck multiple Russian military trucks as well, simultaneously denying supplies and reinforcements for the Russians. As a result of the Ashan operation in this sector, Ukrainian drones destroyed one hundred and seven pieces of equipment in just three days and removed a substantial part of Russia’s firepower, transport, and logistics supporting the marine reinforcements.

To defend their land-based logistical routes before advancing, Ukraine has installed forty-two kilometers of anti-drone protection along roads in the Dnipropetrovsk region. These anti-drone nets allowed ammunition, reinforcements, and assault groups to move through the rear without every convoy being exposed to Russian FPV drones, while Russian equipment and supply traffic had been devastated. After these preparations, dozens of assault groups launched a simultaneous offensive from the Velykomykhailivka area with round-the-clock drone support. The Skala regiment first pushed through Ternovate and, after clearing it, moved towards the south, supporting the southern vector. Along this route, Ukrainian assault troops pushed towards Zaporizke and secured the right flank of the attack towards Ternove. At the same time, Ukraine expanded the breach north of these villages and captured Sichneve. This allowed the Ukrainians to use it as a springboard and advance even further eastward and attack Maliivka.

During the operation, Ukrainian reconnaissance drones identified Russian positions and targeted them with artillery, suppressing known firing positions before Ukrainian assault groups entered the settlements. This attack was further supported by FPV drones, which struck Russian soldiers who tried to hide after the artillery barrage. Additionally, heavy bomber drones attacked the scattered Russian soldiers by dropping ordnance on them. Russia tried to send reinforcements, but their armored vehicles were destroyed on the move by drones, eliminating them before they could help the defending Russians.

As a result of the attacks, Ukraine erased the Russian line as they advanced up to ten kilometers into Russian-held territory, liberating seventy-five square kilometers. This enabled Ukrainian forces to extend the reach of their drone operations and establish fire control over key Russian logistics routes in this sector.

This is what happened to Russia’s one hundred and twentieth Marine Infantry Brigade, which served as a reinforcement and suffered critical losses, rendering it combat ineffective. This forced the surviving elements to withdraw from the Dnipropetrovsk region, which is exactly what Ukraine needs to continue offensive operations

دوستان عزیز این اثر یک آهنگ جدید طنز ایرانی است که به نسبت شرایط کنونی ایران و صورت اورجینال با موزیک ویدیو زیبا توسط رامتین هنر موزیک ساخته شده و در جای دیگر قابل شنیدن و دسترس نمیباشد . امیدوارم که از شنیدن و دیدن این اثر هنری که با زحمت بسیار توسط من ساخته شده را بپسندید.
در زیر اطلاعات مربوط به این موزیک ویدیو قرار داده ام که امیدوارم مفید باشد . منتظر نظرات و پیشنهاد شما در قسمت کامنت هستم .

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متن ترانه :

دیدی گُفتَم عزیزم کُمک تو راهه دیدی گفتم دیدی گفتم روزگارشون سیاهه دیدی گفتم بعد ازین جشن و سرور همش به راهه ،به راهه بت میگم که ناامیدی اشتباهه، اشتباهه دیدی گفتم می زنه دیدی گفتم می زنه دیدی گفتم می زنه دیدی گفتم می زنه یکی شون زیر زمین اون یکی بالای درخت یکی جاش راحته و اون یکی تو یه جای سخت یکی رفته پشت مبل و یکی رفته زیر تخت یکی فرصت نداره جمع بکنه لباس و رخت دیدی گفتم می زنه دیدی گفتم می زنه دیدی گفتم می زنه دیدی گفتم می زنه بد دروغ میگفت یارو هنوز تو فکر گفتنه چندتاشون رفتن و باقیش تو مسیر رفتنه تازه این اولشه کجا شو دیدی عزیزم گلای عشق و امید ما پی شکفتنه دیدی گفتم می زنه دیدی گفتم می زنه دیدی گفتم می زنه دیدی گفتم می زنه

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اطلاعات موزیک ویدیو :

توضیحات : آهنگ جدید طنز ایرانی
نام آهنگ : دیدی گفتم می زنه
ترانه سرا یا شاعر : رامتین هنرمندان
ملودی : رامتین هنرمندان
سبک ترانه : طنز پاپ

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تنظیم آهنگ : رامتین هنرمندان
ادیت موزیک ویدیو : رامتین هنرمندان
کانال تولید کننده : رامتین هنر موزیک

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Today, the biggest news comes from the Russian Federation.

Here, Ukrainian strikes have forced Russia’s major oil refineries to shut down, bringing fuel production to a halt and pushed the Kremlin to urgently stop all fuel exports. This marks a mission accomplished moment in Ukraine’s refinery campaign, as the effects of those strikes are now crippling the wider Russian fuel system.

Several of Russia’s major oil refineries in central regions have now halted operations or sharply cut output after recent successful Ukrainian attacks on critical processing infrastructure. These are key plants that turn crude oil into gasoline, diesel, and aviation fuel, so once they stop, Russia loses fuel output at the source. Several major refineries were knocked offline within the same stretch of attacks, leaving the rest of the network with less room to cover the missing output.

Production wise, the effect is now visible across a large share of Russia’s refining system. Ryazan alone lost roughly ninety to one hundred percent of its processing capacity after the May fifteenth strike, while the latest damage at Yaroslavl was estimated to affect units covering about eighty to one hundred percent of plant processing volume. Perm was also forced into a full halt after three primary crude processing units were emergency stopped. Once losses of that scale appear across several major refineries at the same time, Russia is no longer dealing with isolated damage, but with a major reduction in the refining capacity still available to balance fuel supply.

With refining output falling across the system, the pressure soon moved into exports and forced Moscow into a longer term tradeoff. Russia imposed its gasoline export ban on April first and will continue to keep it in place till the end of July, so the restrictions had already been running for nearly two months when the latest refinery losses hit. With the gasoline ban in place in April, Russian oil product exports fell by about three hundred forty thousand barrels per day from March to two point two million barrels per day

Ukraine achieved this through a sustained strike campaign against the refinery units that matter most for fuel production. In the first twenty days of May alone, ten major Russian oil sites were hit, and six were forced to halt operations. The campaign became effective because Ukraine kept returning to damaged facilities before repairs could restore output, while also striking the processing sections Russia finds hardest to replace quickly. Perm shows this clearly, because the refinery had already been hit five times by May eighth, including three strikes in one week, before another attack followed on May twelfth that put the refinery out of action. That sequence prevented repairs from stabilizing the site and eventually put a halt to fuel processing. The same method appeared in Yaroslavl and Ryazan, where repeated strikes deepened earlier damage instead of allowing recovery. Yaroslavl was hit three times in May, while Ryazan was struck on May fifteenth in one of the most damaging attacks of the campaign. Kstovo and Syzran were also hit again, adding fresh disruption at major processing sites in Nizhny Novgorod and Samara regions. Kirishi, Primorsk, and several pumping stations were struck as well, which reduced the oil flow reaching the refineries that were still operating. That left the remaining plants processing less crude oil while covering more of the system’s needs, which made delays and bottlenecks harder to avoid.

Overall, Ukraine’s refinery campaign is now forcing Russia to spend more resources protecting fuel infrastructure and restoring damaged plants far behind the front. This pulls air defenses and repair capacity into the energy sector, where repeated strikes keep undoing earlier recovery work and slowing stabilization. As refinery outages continue, fuel distribution becomes harder to manage, increasing pressure on military supply planning across the war effort. Russia now faces a deeper logistical vulnerability inside its own rear, because every new disruption widens the gap between fuel demand and refining capacity.

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کیهان لندن
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یونگ ولت (آلمان)



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با سلام
اینجانب رضا مددی در تاریخ10/04/2023 مبلغ 18122.03 دلار را از کارگزاری کلایمکس به کارگزاری دیگه انتقال دادم که متاسفانه انتقال داده نشد بعد از پیگیری از طریق ترون اسکن متوجه شدم که قسمت مالی کلایمکس تخلف کرده است و ادرس ولت مقصد منو با ولت خود کلایمکس جابجا کرده وپول به ادرس ولت کلایمکس واریز شده.با پیگیری زیاد مبلغ 8 هزار دلار را برگرداندن والباقی را گفتن به ما مربوط نیست وبایستی یه تایمی در بروکر کلایمکس بمانی واگه خواستی بعدا" پولتو برداروهمچنین به من پیشنهاد دادن که ربات وکریدیت به من داده میشه واینکار را هم انجام دادن. هم اکنون که میخوام پولم را که 8 هزار دلار هست را بردارم اجازه نمیدن برداشت کردم والان کلا منو از تلگرام حذف کردن وچت انلاین منو قطع کردن ودیگه پاسخگو نیستن واجازه برداشت نمیدن ومیگن که قسمت مالی ما دچار مشکل شده ویک ماه باید صبر کنی خواستم این مسئله را رسانه ای کنم تا دیگران آسیب نبینندوزودتر پول خودشون را از این بروکر دزد خارج کنند این کارگزاری در آستانه ورشکست شدن هست.هرگونه مدارک ومستدلاتی که هرشخص یا نهادی خواست با من تماس گرفته شود تا مدارک را ارسال کنم.
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اخبار نیم‌روزی | ۱۳ فروردین

Former Army Ranger and Regimental Reconnaissance Company (RRC) member Mike Edwards speaks with David Hookstead about how many issues he had with SEAL Team 6 compared to Delta Force.

Make sure to like, subscribe, comment and watch the full interview here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sK0Guo-h3lc

You can follow David Hookstead at the following:
Instagram: @david_hookstead
Twitter: @dhookstead
Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/....0K13bLiIA43aRW1mo7aE
Apple podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/....podcast/outkicks-ame

🌱نسخه کامل این اجرا در برنامه دیوان خیال
https://app.divanekhial.com/t/bEY4gd9X

✨اجرایی متفاوت از غزل زیبای مولانای جان
✨ دیوان شمس | غزل شماره 15

برای دسترسی به صدها اجرای کامل و رایگان میتونید برنامه اختصاصی «دیوان خیال» رو نصب کنید.

ای نوش کرده نیش را بی‌خویش کن باخویش را
باخویش کن بی‌خویش را چیزی بده درویش را

تشریف ده عشاق را پرنور کن آفاق را
بر زهر زن تریاق را چیزی بده درویش را

با روی همچون ماه خود، با لطف مسکین‌خواه خود
ما را تو کن همراه خود‌، چیزی بده درویش را

چون جلوه مه می‌کنی وز عشق آگه می‌کنی
با ما چه همره می‌کنی چیزی بده درویش را

درویش را چه بود نشان؟ جان و زبان درفشان
نی دلق صدپاره کشان‌، چیزی بده درویش را

هم آدم و آن دم توی هم عیسی و مریم توی
هم راز و هم محرم توی چیزی بده درویش را

تلخ از تو شیرین می‌شود کفر از تو چون دین می‌شود
خار از تو نسرین می‌شود چیزی بده درویش را

جان من و جانان من کفر من و ایمان من
سلطان سلطانان من چیزی بده درویش را

ای تن‌پرست بوالحزن در تن مپیچ و جان مکن
منگر به تن بنگر به من چیزی بده درویش را

امروز ای شمع آن کنم بر نور تو جولان کنم
بر عشق جان افشان کنم چیزی بده درویش را

امروز گویم چون کنم یک‌باره دل را خون کنم
وین کار را یک‌سون کنم چیزی بده درویش را

تو عیب ما را کیستی تو مار یا ماهیستی
خود را بگو تو چیستی چیزی بده درویش را

جان را درافکن در عدم زیرا نشاید ای صنم
تو محتشم او محتشم چیزی بده درویش را

Join this channel to get access to perks:
https://www.youtube.com/channe....l/UCsMSFwBF-4SWD5msA

این ویدیو شامل فیلم و عکس های آرشیوی است که ممکن است به طور مستقیم به رویدادهای مورد بحث مرتبط نباشد. این محتوا برای ارائه زمینه بیشتر و کمک به درک بهتر موضوع استفاده شده است.
This video features archival content that may not be directly linked to the events under discussion. It is included to provide additional context and facilitate a better understanding of the subject.