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اونا میلیون‌ها مترمکعب آب دریا رو ریختن زیر شن‌های بیابون - نتیجه فراتر از انتظار بود
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چرا اروپا به یکباره در حال شکستن سدهایش است؟ 325 سد در یک سال!
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افغانستان چگونه یکی از بزرگترین رودخانه دست ساز جهان را می سازد؟
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آهنگ غمگین و عاشقانه بارونه و شب یک آهنگ احساسی به سبک بلوز است که یادآور یک عشق قدیمی است و زخمی است که از گذشته روی دل مانده . فضای این ترانه به سبک بلوز و حال و هوای شب بارانی و صدایی خسته ساخته شده است.

این آهنگ برای لحظه هایی است که آدم در سکوت خودش فرو می رود وقتی نه گلایه ای مانده نه فریادی. فقط خاطره ای دور و صدایی زخمی.

اگر این آهنگ را دوست دارید و حسش میکنید آن را با دوستان به اشتراک بگذارید.
متن ترانه از رامتین هنرمندان :


[Intro]

 بارونِه وُ شَب ، پاهای خَستِه

 گیتارِ زَخمی ، دَرهای بَستِه

[Verse 1]  

نَه حِسّی مونْده توو این دِل
نَه جونی مونْده توو این تَن

جَوونی رَفت و ما مونْدیم
مَنِ بی‌تو ، تو یِ بی‌مَن

نَه لَبخَندی روو لَبْهام
نَه نوری مونْد، توو شَبهام

گُلِ خاطِرِه خُشکیده
تو که نیستی، چِقَد تَنهام

[Pre-Chorus]

اَزَم چیزی نَمونْده
بِجُز چَنْتا تَرانه

واسِه نَفَس کِشیدَن
تویی تَنها بَهانه

[Verse 2]

جَوونی رَفت و مَن مونْدَم
با یِه گیتارِ خَستِه

شَب و بارون و تَنهایی
با یِه چِهرِه یِ شِکَسته

هَمِه چی رَفت و مَن مونْدَم
با دِلی که  پُر اَز دَردِه

یِه خونه‌ یِ بی‌چِراغُ
عُمری که ، بَر نِمی‌گَردِه

[Chorus]

 هَمِه چی رَفتُ مَن مووندَم
اَز مَن فَقَط این صِدا مونْده

یِه تَرانه تویِ سینَم
تَنها چیزی که بَرام مونْده

اَز مَن فَقَط این صِدا مونْده
یِه صِدایِ خَستِه وُ یِه آواز

با دوتا بالِ شِکَستِه
مَنُ آرِزویِ پَرواز

[Verse 3]

نَه گِلایِه اَز کَسی هَست
نَه شِکایَت اَز زَمونِه

خَستِگی ،گاهی یِه مَردِه
که دارِه آواز، می‌خونه

نَه پایی واسِه رَفتَن
نَه عِشقی واسِه موندن

با خودَم غَریبِه ، موندَم
بِینِ بودَنُ نَبودَن

[Bridge]

اَز مَن فَقَط این صِدا مونْده
با یِه پَنجِرِه روو بِه دیوار

چَنتا عَکسِت رویِ میزِه
با یِه پاکَتِ سیگار

[Final Chorus]

اَز مَن فَقَط این صِدا مونْده
یِه تَرانه توویِ سینَم

هَمِه چیزِ مَن کَسی بود
کِه میگُفت عاشِق تَرینَم

اَز مَن فَقَط این صِدا مونْده
یِه صِدایِ خَستِه وُ یِه آواز

با دوتا بالِ شِکَستِه
مَنُ آرِزویِ پَرواز

[Outro]

نَه حِسّی مونْده توو این دِل
نَه جونی مونْده توو این تَن

جَوونی رَفت و ما مونْدیم
مَنِ بی‌تو، تو یِ بی‌مَن

اَز مَن فَقَط این صِدا مونْده...
یِه تَرانه تویِ سینَم...
اَز مَن فَقَط این صِدا مونْده...

آمریکا حملات به مراکز سپاه در مناطق ساحلی جنوب ایران را تشدید کرده و سپاه نیز به گسترش حملات به کشورهای منطقه روی آروده است.

نشانه‌ای از کاهش درگیری‌ها یا میانجی‌گری موفق دیده نمی‌شود و احتمالا جنگ به سمت گسترش است.

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Today, the biggest news comes from the Russian Federation.

Putin is in a panic over how the war could end, proven by the fact that he has told close aides that if the conflict stops under the current circumstances, he could be hunted down and hanged because it would represent one of Russia’s worst military defeats in centuries. Rather than seeking a way to end the war, the Kremlin appears determined to secure at least one major objective, which is capturing the entire Donetsk region. For Putin, ending the war without achieving even this minimal goal could carry serious political and personal consequences. There is also a historical precedent behind these concerns because both the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union collapsed after disastrous foreign military campaigns, most notably World War one and the war in Afghanistan.

That is why Russia’s leadership has ordered its forces to reach the administrative borders of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions by December thirty-first. The problem is that even Russian military commanders believe this deadline is unrealistic, which is why they are instead asking to extend it until March thirty-first. This already marks the fifteenth deadline Russia has set for achieving its territorial objectives in Donbas, a sign of how far the military remains from delivering the results demanded by the Kremlin.

Based on the pace of advance over the last three years, it will take Putin at least another two to three years to take the remaining part of Donbas. Even if Russia manages to capture the most fortified cities of Donbas, namely Sloviansk and Kramatorsk, Russian forces would face multiple layered and modern defense lines built specifically to attrit and slow advancing forces down.

Moreover, Ukraine has already adapted its defensive strategy to Putin’s decision to concentrate Russia’s resources on Donbas. Russian sources are reacting with concern to major changes in the Ukrainian military leadership, including the replacement of Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrsky by Mykhailo Drapatyi, who rose through the ranks from soldier to general, while Evgeniy Khamara has also taken over as defense minister. At the same time, the remaining Ukrainian-held front in the Donetsk region is being reorganized into two major operational groupings. The northern Donbas grouping, made up of several corps and supporting units, has been placed under the command of third Army Corps commander Andriy Biletsky. The southern Donbas grouping, also consisting of multiple corps and adjacent units, is now commanded by Azov National Guard Corps commander Denys Prokopenko. Biletsky and Prokopenko are among Ukraine’s most experienced commanders, both having built their careers through the Azov formations. They have progressed from commanding brigades of roughly four thousand troops to leading army corps of around twenty thousand personnel, and now command multi-corps groupings numbering approximately forty thousand to sixty thousand troops each. These formations have been deployed to what has become the most strategically important sector of the war, where Russia is expected to concentrate much of its remaining offensive power. Their task is to defend the heavily fortified cities of Sloviansk and Kramatorsk, as well as the newly established defensive lines across Donbas. The scale of this reorganization is already causing concern among Russian military analysts, who are arguing that Russia has little chance of achieving a breakthrough against these reinforced Ukrainian defenses. Instead, they fear that the newly formed Ukrainian groupings will absorb the Russian offensive, inflict heavy losses, and gradually wear down the attacking forces.

Overall, the deeper problem for Putin is that time is not on his side, as every additional offensive consumes soldiers and equipment without guaranteeing a decisive result. Ukraine does not necessarily need to defeat Russia outright, it only needs to prevent a breakthrough long enough for Russia’s enormous costs to become unsustainable. This turns Putin’s deadline into a dangerous trap, as their situation on the battlefield will only worsen, and Putin grows more worried for his life.

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Today, there is important news from the Russian Federation.

Here, Russia’s technology sector has suffered a major blow after drones struck Yandex’s biggest data center in Sasovo, in the Ryazan Region, triggering a fire and forcing the facility to shut down completely. Located on the former premises of the Sasta machine-tool plant, which supplies Russia’s engineering industry and was also targeted in the attack, the complex hosts tens of thousands of servers and represents Yandex’s most important computing facilities.

The Ukrainian attack immediately disrupted cloud infrastructure, as Yandex acknowledged electricity problems affecting one availability zone and advised customers to switch to alternatives. Although the company maintained that its principal consumer services remained operational, the complete shutdown demonstrated how quickly a physical strike can interrupt digital infrastructure supporting thousands of businesses, as problems were reported throughout various internet services in Russia within minutes after the attack.

Financial markets reacted immediately in panic as well, with Yandex shares falling approximately four percent during early Moscow trading, as investors were suddenly confronting a new risk: Russia’s most important technology companies could become increasingly vulnerable to the same type of disruption already affecting its energy and logistics sectors.

The timing is particularly significant because Russian strikes have recently targeted Ukrainian data centers, and now Russia is experiencing the consequences of attacks against its own digital infrastructure, while the economic implications could extend far beyond Yandex. Earlier attacks on Wildberries and Ozon facilities demonstrated how physical destruction can disrupt online commerce. Data centers represent an even more complicated challenge because they support the software systems that allow businesses to function.

What makes it even more dangerous, warehouses can often be replaced through smaller storage facilities, alternative distribution routes, and dispersed inventories. Large data centers are harder to replicate quickly, as they require enormous electrical capacity, cooling equipment, specialized servers, high-speed connections, and carefully coordinated software environments. Although workloads can be transferred between facilities, relocating massive datasets and computing capacity requires substantial investment and technical preparation. Consequently, repeated disruptions could create mounting costs even when companies successfully restore their services.

Russia’s digital economy depends upon these systems for cloud storage, financial transactions, corporate databases, telecommunications and government administration. Yandex itself operates search, navigation, transportation, storage and artificial-intelligence services, including YandexGPT. Disruption across several independent providers could therefore produce cascading problems: slower applications, interrupted online payments, unavailable business records, delayed administrative services and increasingly unreliable commercial platforms.

The next potential biggest target could be the Udomlya data center in Tver Oblast, processing nuclear-reactor simulations and storing state video archives from across Russia, the destruction of which could disrupt the work of the Russian government. The second major target could become Moscow’s M-Nine data center, which is a hub that, if taken offline, could cause a large part of the Russian internet to suffer immediate disruption, potentially affecting banking transactions, mobile connectivity, and government portals. Despite Russia possessing a geographically distributed data-center industry, most of the operational facilities are located inside or near Moscow.

After such a campaign, Russian companies will have to restore data access, redirect workloads, investigate interrupted transactions, and reassure customers. Some may need additional backup capacity, while others could reconsider relying exclusively on domestic infrastructure. For the Russian government, repeated incidents would create another expensive challenge alongside protecting refineries, transportation networks and industrial facilities.

Overall, the scale of the risk for Russia makes the Sasovo attack fundamentally different from previous attacks on warehouses. The immediate damage concerns physical equipment, but the secondary consequences can spread through businesses that never experienced the attack directly, demonstrating a vulnerability that Moscow can no longer ignore but can’t fix quickly enough as well. After years of Russian attacks against Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure, the consequences are increasingly reaching Russia’s own digital economy.

This episode of *24 wıth Fardad Farahzad* begins with tense Iran–US negotiations in Geneva, stalled over America’s demand for “zero enrichment” and full transfer of Iran’s 60% uranium stockpile. Reports from Axios and the Wall Street Journal describe Washington’s push to dismantle facilities in Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan, while the US aircraft carrier Gerald Ford moves toward Israel. Analysts warn that diplomacy is nearing collapse, and both sides may be preparing for possible military confrontation. Meanwhile, protests erupt across Iranian universities, prompting the government to move many classes online in an effort to suppress student activism. In Washington, lawmakers debate limiting the president’s war powers as political pressure over Iran intensifies.

برنامه با مذاکرات پرتنش ایران و آمریکا در ژنو آغاز می‌شود؛ گفت‌وگوهایی که به دلیل اصرار واشنگتن بر «غنی‌سازی صفر» و تحویل کامل اورانیوم ۶۰ درصدی متوقف شده است. گزارش‌های آکسیوس و وال‌استریت ژورنال از درخواست آمریکا برای برچیدن تأسیسات فردو، نطنز و اصفهان خبر می‌دهند، همزمان که ناو جرالد فورد به‌سوی اسرائیل حرکت می‌کند. تحلیلگران می‌گویند دیپلماسی در آستانه فروپاشی است و احتمال برخورد نظامی افزایش یافته. در داخل ایران موج اعتراضات دانشجویی ده‌ها دانشگاه را وادار به برگزاری کلاس‌ها به‌صورت مجازی کرده است. در واشینگتن نیز بحث‌های جدی درباره محدود کردن اختیارات جنگی رئیس‌جمهور جریان دارد و فشار سیاسی درباره ایران رو به افزایش است.

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التماس جمهوری اسلامی برای توافق با آمریکا در حقیقت التماس مجتبی برای توافق با ترامپ است. چراکه جمهوری اسلامی در بالاترین سطح شکنندگی است و دیگر امکان تاب‌آوری ندارد. التماس‌های جمهوری اسلامی برای توافق سریع با آمریکا، ابراز تمایل برای مذاکره مستقیم و نشان دادن نرمش در خصوص برنامه هسته‌ای و تنگه هرمز نشان دهنده این است که محاصره آمریکا نتیجه بخش بوده است.

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Today, there is important news from the Russian Federation.

Here, Ukraine’s campaign against Russia’s oil industry intensified, with explosions and fires reported at Lukoil’s massive Volgograd refinery. Processing roughly fifteen million tons annually, the facility produces gasoline, diesel and aviation kerosene essential to Russia’s economy and military. During the same attack wave, Ukraine also struck the Samara oil-distribution station, an important node involved in producing Russia’s oil export blend. These attacks followed an extraordinary week in which Ukraine reported strikes against six Russian refineries, demonstrating that individual raids can easily be turned into a systematic campaign with dangerous results for Russia.

As a result, the scale is becoming economically significant, as Ukraine’s Defense Ministry stated that more than fifty-one percent of Russia’s refining capacity has now been put out of operation, describing the objective as bleeding Russia’s military-economic system. Despite Putin acknowledging that attacks on energy infrastructure are affecting economic performance, his tactic is to translate this into a percentage change in gross domestic product only to hide the real economic effect and mislead the Russian public. Putin openly admitted a decrease of only about one percent of a roughly two-point-seven-trillion US dollar economy, which is approximately twenty-seven billion dollars. The broader cumulative consequences of the Ukrainian strikes, however, extend far beyond direct refinery damage through disrupted production, transportation, exports, repairs, and military fuel supplies, making опенUkrainian strikes deal even more harm due to their repetitive nature.

At Ilsky, Ukrainian drones damaged all three primary processing units, destroying almost the whole refining capacity. With the tank farm also damaged, production reportedly stopped at the key refinery supplying southern Russia and military logistics.

Novoshakhtinsk, capable of processing approximately five-point-six million tons annually, was also attacked by Ukrainian drones. Its connections to major rail and oil terminals make disruption there particularly damaging to fuel transportation across southern Russia.

Then Ukraine reached Perm, approximately one-thousand-and-five-hundred kilometers away. Fires were reported around several sections of the thirteen-million-ton Lukoil refinery, including the Avt-Five unit, responsible for roughly one-third of primary processing.

The next Ukrainian strike in Ufa also demonstrated that even distance no longer guarantees protection. Ukrainian drones attacked Bashneft’s enormous refining cluster more than one-thousand-three-hundred kilometers from Ukraine on consecutive days, damaging facilities producing diesel, gasoline, and aviation fuel.

At Kuibyshev in Samara, large fires were reported around the primary distillation infrastructure after incoming drone strikes. The refinery can process approximately seven million tons annually and produces substantial quantities of diesel, gasoline, and fuel oil, with the process now halted.

The Saratov refinery was hit again as well after previous strikes earlier this year. The Rosneft refinery processes up to seven million tons annually and produces fuels used by both civilian consumers and Russia’s military-industrial system.

The Ryazan refinery represents an even larger target, as it can process approximately seventeen million tons annually, and Ukrainian strikes ignited its primary-processing units, threatening an important source of motor fuel around Moscow.

Repeated strikes matter because repaired units can be damaged again, forcing Russia into an expensive cycle of restoration while simultaneously protecting an enormous network of refineries, pipelines and pumping stations. The consequences therefore extend far beyond destroyed equipment, as Russia requires petroleum products to move tanks, trucks and aircraft, while energy exports and taxation remain crucial sources of state revenue. Refinery disruption creates repair expenses, logistical bottlenecks, and pressure on domestic fuel availability while forcing additional resources into air defense.

Overall, Ukraine’s strategy is methodical, repeatedly attacking the infrastructure that converts Russian crude oil into economically and militarily valuable products. If Ukrainian estimates of more than half of refining capacity being disabled even temporarily are sustained, the pressure will increasingly reach Russia’s war machine itself. Putin must simultaneously finance the war, replace military losses, repair energy infrastructure, and protect facilities scattered across an enormous territory, while Ukrainian drones are demonstrating that increasingly little of that territory remains safely beyond their reach.

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In this video, we will analyze Russia’s recent mechanized assault on Sloviansk.

Here, Russian forces launched one of their largest mechanized assaults in months in an attempt to force movement on the Sloviansk axis. What followed left burning vehicles scattered across the battlefield and turned this attack into one of the clearest examples of how much was at stake in this push.

Russia’s goal here was to break through the Ukrainian forward positions covering the northeastern approaches to Sloviansk, especially in the Zakitne and Kryva Luka direction. These settlements matter because they form part of the outer defensive area shielding Sloviansk, so losing them would weaken the defense and open more favorable routes toward positions farther back. That is why Russia launched a larger mechanized assault here rather than relying solely on smaller infantry probes, as it was trying to force a breakthrough through the outer layer of the defense in a single push.

Russia tried to do that by sending two assault groups forward at the same time on separate routes, one toward Zakitne and the other toward Kryva Luka, in order to pressure the Ukrainian defense from multiple directions. This gave the attack a better chance of splitting Ukrainian attention and stretching drone coverage, preventing the defenders from focusing all their fire on one approach.

This attack plan was meant to give the Russians several advantages during the advance. Russians also committed motorcycles to reduce dependence on roads and tight formations, allowing the Russians to cross exposed ground faster without bunching into an easy target. The Russians also sent several tanks and BMP to their assault, meant to suppress Ukrainian positions and absorb fire while lighter elements pushed forward. In theory, that made the assault more resilient than a single dense column, because even if one vehicle was hit, other elements could still keep moving, giving the Russians a better chance of achieving their goal.

However, the main weakness of this Russian assault was that both groups still had to cross exposed approach routes into a defended sector. That allowed Ukrainian defenders to track the advancing elements early, slow them on the route in, and then strike vehicles and isolated groups as the assault began to break apart. Instead of arriving as one concentrated force, the Russian assault was reduced to smaller fragments that could be destroyed separately.

The footage shows exactly how that breakdown happened in practice, as Russian motorcycles, transport vehicles, and BMP move along roads and tree lines, but instead of building into one continuous assault, those elements appear increasingly separated as they come under fire. FPV drones strike BMP and other vehicles while they are still moving, catching them before they can reach cover or support the rest of the advance. In several moments, the assault appears to lose tempo completely, with individual vehicles destroyed on the route while other elements are forced to keep moving past wrecks or stop in exposed positions. Abandoned motorcycles and vehicles were hit after parts of the assault had already stalled, suggesting a loss of momentum before the attackers ever reached the line. By the time burning wrecks begin to accumulate along the approach, the footage shows that the real battle was no longer at the point of breakthrough, because Ukrainian defenses had already turned the route into a kill zone and broken the assault apart in motion.

Overall, the failed Russian assault shows that the Russian command is still trying to break the approaches to Sloviansk through larger mechanized attacks rather than relying only on small infantry group infiltrations. At the same time, Ukraine has shown that it still has the reconnaissance and strike coordination needed to respond to large-scale assaults in this sector. That means Russia may continue launching attacks of this kind, but each failure will make this method harder to sustain. If these assaults keep failing after detection, Russia will likely shift toward smaller and less visible attacks, because once Ukrainian reconnaissance spots a larger mechanized force, Ukraine can hit it quickly before it achieves anything meaningful.

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ایران وایر
کیهان لندن
رویترز
یورونیوز
یونگ ولت (آلمان)



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